Dear friends and interested readers,
Welcome to the 18th newsletter on and against global authoritarianism, July 2026. While the CDU/CSU/SPD coalition in Germany continues to cut social safety nets, the right-wing majority in the European Parliament celebrated the new migration policy with chants and threats.
In our ReGA newsletter, you’ll find the following reports:
→ as always, we take a look at the AfD’s foreign policy, this time focusing on two invitations to the Bundestag: to the first German-Indian Forum and the first Democracy Congress, as well as—at the same time—to the first ESN Summit for Sovereign Nations in Berlin-Moabit.
→ Under “Europe’s Far Right,” we report on Austria and the FPÖ’s 70th anniversary, on France, where Marine Le Pen is maintaining her candidacy despite her conviction, and on the situation of Hungarian think tanks aligned with Orbán.
→ Under “International Reports,” you’ll find an English-language report by AK Fe.In on the attacks against CSDs in Germany in 2025—and the responses from queer and anti-fascist initiatives.
→ Through our Linea B project, you can read about the planned “Foreign Agents” law in Argentina—officially called the Law on Promoting Transparency in Lobbying. There are also reading recommendations on the two upcoming right-wing governments in Peru and Colombia, a piece on Michelle Bolsonaro and her role within the Bolsonaro clan and in Brazilian politics, and a brief update from Venezuela.
→ Finally, information on upcoming and past events—by and against the far right!
A year ago, in July 2025, we wrote here: “Pride in Budapest sent a clear message that even Viktor Orbán will not succeed in the long run with authoritarian exclusion and threats. The regime is getting nervous, because next year’s elections could spell the end of the Orbán system.” That is exactly what happened. And this year, too, tens of thousands marched through the Hungarian capital. This time, there were no threats in the run-up to the event and no criminal proceedings against the city government, under whose protection Pride 2025 took place. Nevertheless, Peter Magyar’s new national government was called upon from many quarters to take a stronger stand against the oppression of LGBTIQ people in Hungary—a cause the Orbán government had made its mission.
The feminist and anti-fascist collective AK Fe.In is examining the situation surrounding the organization of CSDs and Pride events in Germany. Their English-language article, which you can find here, reports on the comprehensive analysis of the CSDs in 2025 and the attacks on them from the far right. We also briefly address the foundations affiliated with Orbán and their finances—as well as other legal concerns regarding the far right.
It was a low point in the history of the European Parliament in two respects: on June 16, in Strasbourg, France, a right-wing majority approved the creation of so-called deportation centers in third countries, thereby enacting a central pillar of the far-right racist agenda that they had been working on for years. The Christian Democratic European People’s Party had not only caved in, but had also been courting the votes of far-right parties—including members of the AfD—long before the vote. This was revealed by media investigations, which we had also reported on here. After the vote, members of the majority celebrated their victory in the plenary chamber with applause and the battle cry “Send them back!”—and threats were hurled. Members of Parliament such as Abir Alsahlani, a Swedish politician from the liberal Center Party, were personally attacked. Right-wing members of parliament advised her to “go home.” When she remarked that she had never felt so vulnerable in Parliament as she did after that vote, Sebastian Tynkkynen, a member of the Finns Party, responded with the cynical retort, “Cry more!” This threatening sense of euphoria among the far right was also evident at the recent meeting of the European party Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN) in Berlin. The ESN is now facing pressure from the European Parliament and the EU agency responsible for registering and monitoring European political parties: the ESN—and thus also the German AfD—do not represent the values of the EU. Read more about this in “Absolutely sovereign: ESN Summit in Berlin.”
The Swiss People’s Party (SVP) suffered a defeat at the polls with its initiative to cap the number of migrants in Switzerland at 10 million. In the end, opponents of such anti-immigration policies prevailed by a margin of 55 to 45 percent. “A day of celebration for an open Switzerland,” read the headline in the weekly newspaper woz: “A 55 percent ‘No’ vote also sends a clear message: that a highly mobilized right wing can be stopped. Even the campaign leading up to the vote showed how much an open Switzerland is underestimated. Seasoned Federal Parliament journalists whispered that this initiative was invincible. The link between skepticism about growth and right-wing criticism of immigration was devilishly clever. The SVP campaign’s dual strategy was extremely skillful: promoting, with a sweet-sounding innocence in meadows and pastures, the idea of “preserving what we love,” while simultaneously inciting hatred on social media against the “rabble in sweatpants.” In the end, none of that took hold. That’s not good news—it’s a triumph.” But it’s not a triumph without a downside: in June, in a rush of Trumpism, the Bern National Council voted in favor of a “ban on Antifa.”
In this context, it is all the more important for us to draw attention to the Atlas der Migration 2026, published in June. Through short chapters illustrated with numerous maps and infographics, it explores a wide range of aspects of current migration trends and debates. These include “remigration” as a concept that unites far-right actors from Trump to the FPÖ; border security as a welcome business opportunity for tech companies; and a chapter on the role migrants have increasingly played as a leverage tool in foreign policy since 2016. Also worth mentioning are the overview of deportations to third countries and the chapter “The State Against the Judiciary,” which explains how an “anti-rule-of-law attitude in politics and among the population” can become normalized under pressure from far-right forces. Yet the Atlas also offers cause for hope when it reports on support networks for refugees: “In times of an authoritarian shift, it is in the cities that the decision is made as to whether migration will continue to be treated as a security problem or as a social reality that can be shaped.”
And finally, a note about the latest issue of Lateinamerika Nachrichten focusing on queer struggles in Latin America. The editorial team writes: “Queer struggles in Latin America today are caught between visibility and backlash, between state recognition and a growing right-wing offensive. But queer movements are far more than identity politics: they challenge colonial, patriarchal, and capitalist orders and forge new alliances for a different society. (...)
In recent years, a transformation has been taking place in many parts of the world that concerns us as a magazine that engages with social movements in solidarity. While liberal trends over several decades ensured that governments granted queer people certain rights to a certain extent (...) the tide is now turning: conservative and far-right politics are once again becoming the norm in many places, and oppression is taking on harsher forms within society as well.
Yet historically, queer people have survived even under dictatorial regimes and found ways to remain politically active despite repression. “We LGBT people have always been present everywhere (...),” says Nicaraguan researcher David Rocha Cortez. Therefore, while the backlash is alarming, it is not a new situation for queer people. They are at the forefront of building alternatives, whether directly against fascism and the specter of gender ideology, or under (supposedly) more progressive governments, such as in Mexico.”
We highly recommend Issue 624 (!) from June. Click here to order!